Laudation for the 2017 Henry A. Kissinger Prize

June 20, 2017

Published by The American Academy in Berlin

On the evening of June 20, 2017, the trustees of the American Academy in Berlin awarded the 2017 Henry A. Kissinger Prize to Germany’s Federal Minister of Finance, Dr. Wolfgang Schäuble. The laudation for Dr.Schäuble was delivered by former US Secretary of Treasury Lawrence H. Summers.

(As prepared)

It is a daunting honor to be here tonight.  As Henry Kissinger became National Security Advisor, I entered 9th grade and as Wolfgang Schauble entered the Bundestag, I entered college.

Henry, you are the greatest example our era has seen of how an engaged thinker can make the world a better place.  There are few half your age who can match your curiosity, your wit, or your energy. You inspire us all.

A prize named in your honor presented annually at the American Academy in Berlin is an important tradition.  For it reaffirms that if the history of the last 70 years has been profoundly more benign than that of the preceding 50, the reason has much to do with the mutual trust and reliance that has characterized the relationship between the United States and Germany.

As I prepared my remarks, I felt a real pang that I could not reach out to my good friend, Richard Holbrooke, who did so much to create this wonderful institution.

Most of all I am honored to be part of celebrating Wolfgang Schauble, a man whose efforts over so long a period, whose enduring values, and whose character are an inspiration to us all.

We are days past the 70th anniversary of the announcement of the Marshall Plan.  Henry describes in his latest book President Truman describing it to him as the American act of which he was most proud.  Rightly so.  But as has been painfully demonstrated by the many failed Marshall plans of the last half century, the success of aid depends much more on the determination and commitment of the recipient than it does on the generosity of the donor.  What Germany has accomplished and what is has become over 70 years is one of history’s most positive stories. And it is embedded in the remarkable success of the Transatlantic community.

If today we are at a moment of flux and uncertainty in relations between the United States and Germany, in charting Europe’s course, and in the future of the Transatlantic alliance, it behooves us to remember as Wolfgang surely does that the past has not been a steady march from darkness into light.  The 10th anniversary of the Marshall Plan came in the wake of Suez, the 20th with students in the streets over Viet Nam and Russian tanks in Prague, the 60th with sharp divisions over Iraq to take just a few examples.

Even in the face of challenges in my own country that I do not welcome, I am optimistic that with the kind of indomitable spirit that Wolfgang brings to everything he does that the challenges of this moment will be met.  Indeed, the political situation in continental Europe today has more seeds of hope than seemed plausible just a few months ago.  And in the kind of adversity represented by new gulfs between continental Europe and the English-speaking world lies an opportunity for European renewal.  As Wolfgang has said, “Crises can foster change.  Things can happen very fast in time of crisis.  That is why I am not so pessimistic regarding crises.”

Several weeks ago, two of President Trump’s most thoughtful advisors proclaimed that “the world is not a global community but an arena where nations, nongovernmental actors and businesses engage and compete for advantage.”  Wolfgang Schauble is not dewy eyed, overly sentimental or soft.  And yet I do not believe he ever could have written such a sentence.  Indeed, his life’s work is a testament to the power and efficacy of fostering community.

Wolfgang Schauble played a key role in the unification of Germany.  He, like Chancellor Kohl, understood how important generous support for the East was in creating a new and strong and United States—that sometimes monetary mechanics have to be subordinate to political purpose.  I cannot think of a decisive speech in the US Congress.  Yet, I am told by German friends, that but for his speech in the Bundestag, this gathering would not be taking place in Berlin.

Wolfgang may be the last of the dwindling band of committed Europeanists who hold power today and held power when the Berlin Wall fell a generation ago.  No one in office today has understood longer, or better, the importance of the partnership between Germany and France.

Yes, he has strong views on what might be called a national responsibility to be responsible as a precondition for the success of European Union.  But he has always stood for deeper and stronger union.  He was right when he wrote some time ago that “European Union is the best political idea of the 20th century.”   He has been a key driver of the convergence in rules and policies that has been central to monetary union.  And he has been willing to recognize at the moments of maximum danger that a common central bank has to be able to do what is necessary to maintain financial and economic stability.

Wolfgang has also recognized—at moments when it has not been easy— Germany’s obligations to global community. There has been no stronger German advocate for meeting the obligations of history towards Jewish populations, no one more open to Islamic refugees, no one more committed even before the events of the last months to strengthening Europe’s capacity for common defense.  Indeed, I am told that as finance minister he has never rejected a request for spending on refugees or common defense.

Wolfgang in eulogizing Chancellor Kohl remarked on how when in the harried fall of 1989 it fell to President Bush to respond quickly to a German reunification plan, the President did not wait for his machinery to ponder the details but said simply: “We trust the Chancellor.”  I recall being told a similar story about de Gaulle’s response to an emissary sent with photographic evidence during the Cuban Missile Crisis.

History may be shaped by tectonic forces beyond the control of any political figure.  But at key junctures, personality matters and trust between persons matters.  I have known many who disagree with Wolfgang Schauble sometimes on fundamental matters.  I have never known anyone who has found him anything other than utterly straight forward.

He possesses a remarkable combination of determined adherence to principle with openness to all perspectives.  It’s no secret, as I’ll discuss in a few minutes, that Wolfgang and I do not see eye to eye on the importance of Keynes insights on demand management policy for current European dilemmas.  But he has always been open to friendly discussion and indeed was first to invite a range of outside experts for protracted dialogue with the G7 group when he was its host.

If I find myself in full agreement with Wolfgang on matters of politics and matters of international relation and an enormous admirer of his character, I would be disingenuous if I did not take note of our differences on matters of economics.  These differences are not as large as many suppose and are hardly personal but instead rooted in the differences between German and Anglo-American economic traditions.

Contrary to some caricatures of American economists, I am under no illusion that the dials of fiscal and monetary policy, no matter how brilliantly fiddled, can produce enduring full employment with prosperity.  Competiveness and economic success for any nation depend ultimately on the skills of its workers, the ingenuity and efficiency of its companies, and the quality of its institutions.  Here the world has much to learn from modern Germany, especially its success in helping all young people make the all-important transition from school to work.  When Germans attribute their success to deep and difficult reform, I believe they are correct.  When Shakespeare said that “fault lies not in our stars, but in ourselves” he could have been speaking of nations with struggling economies. Foreigners who suggest that Germany is in some sense exploiting the global system for its own benefit, to the detriment of others, are more wrong than right.

At the same time, there is a reason why in the long history of nations, common money across several nations in the manner of European Monetary Union is almost without precedent.  Its management requires enormous statesmanship and skill.  For in cushioning inevitable shocks neither the federal responses characteristic of the United States nor the option of currency adjustment is present.  The challenge is that on the one hand convergence is a necessary condition for success: that when all can draw on a common pool of credibility, discipline is essential if that pool is not to be dissipated. On the other hand, it is essential to recognize that individual virtue, multiplied many times over, need not always translate into collective success.  One who stands up at a football game sees better.  If all stand, no one sees better.  In the same way, selling requires buying.  Not every nation can enjoy export led growth, and communal prosperity requires mutual adjustment.

Successfully striking this balance is the challenge of European financial diplomacy.  So far things have worked out, with German leadership, a flexible and pragmatic ECB willing to do whatever it takes to preserve monetary union, and much negotiation.  We can be grateful for the progress that has been made and for the recent encouraging economic statistics, even as we recognize that there is much left to do.

Some would see it as an irony of Wolfgang’s career that a man of such steadfast principle has been a politician of such extraordinary staying power.  I suppose so.  But virtue is sometimes rewarded.  For his public service, Wolfgang has suffered more than almost anyone.  And yet he persevered with purpose and determination, but without bitterness or anger.  For him it’s always about the issue not the self.  The real irony is that the most apolitical of politicians has been the most enduring.

Wolfgang has said that, “I’ve been a politician long enough to know that every year will find us living in a situation that one couldn’t have imagined a year previously. Sometimes it’s better than we imagined, sometimes it’s not as good.”

We could not have imagined a year ago where we are today.  And we cannot know the future.  Events are contingent, tactics and strategies are subject to amendment; yet values are enduring.  I believe with Wolfgang that community is an enduring value in international affairs.  I expect that with steps forward and backward that will be the enduring view on both sides of the Atlantic.  Surely though, this is Europe’s hour.

If Wolfgang’s values, as manifest in a very long career, can guide all of us forward, there will be much to celebrate at the 80th Anniversary and the 100th Anniversary of the Marshall Plan.

I am honored to be here tonight at the American Academy in Berlin to congratulate Wolfgang Schauble on the Henry A. Kissinger Prize.

(Source: The American Academy in Berlin)

 

The New York Times Higher Ed Leaders Forum

Wealth Management Systems for Individual Investors

Princeton University – April 26 and April 27

Men Without Work

April 16, 2017

Panelists Nicholas Eberstadt, Henry Wendt Chair in Political Economy at the American Enterprise Institute and author of Men Without Work: America’s Invisible Crisis, Jason Furman, Senior Fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics and former Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers (2013-2017), joined moderator Lawrence H. Summers, Charles W. Eliot University Professor of Harvard University and Co-Director of the Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government at the Harvard Kennedy School, for a panel discussion to reflect on employment crisis amongst “prime-age” men twenty-five to fifty-four. The panelists defined the exact problem as they saw it and discussed their differing opinions on its causes and possible remedies.  (Source: Harvard IOP at the Kennedy School)

 

The Future of Price Statistics

Summers spoke at The World Bank on March 30, 2016 at a seminar on the Future of Price Statistics: Innovation in Data Technology and Methods calling data the “ultimate public good.”  Summers said, “The one thing I can promise you is that vastly better data collection will produce benefits that we can foresee, but even greater benefits that no one can imagine. Read more

Money in Law and Literature

Academic Freedom and Anti-Semitism

Thursday, October 15, 2015
YIVO Institute for Jewish Research

Double Standard with Anti-Semitism

Outrageous Academic Boycotts of the State of Israel

Challenges and Importance of Anti-Semitism as an Issue

 

Low Real Rates, Secular Stagnation & the Future of Stabilization Policy

On November 20, 2015 at the Bank of Chile Research Conference, Summers updated his thinking on secular stagnation in a speech titled, “Low Real Rates, Secular Stagnation and the Future of Stabilization Policy.

Read the transcript of the lecture and view the powerpoint slides here:

Larry Summers Central Bank of Chile

Making Sense of the Productivity Slowdown

Summers delivered a keynote address to a conference on Making Sense of Productivity Slowdown hosted by the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington, DC on November 16, 2015.

Click here to watch the event.

 

Capitalism & Morality: The Inequality Challenge

Summers talked with the IMF’s Christine Lagarde at the National Cathedral in Washington, DC for the 2015 Nancy and Paul Ignatius Program.

Watch the full video here

YIVO: Academic Freedom and Anti-Semitism

In a speech on October 15, 2015, Summers discussed issues surrounding academic freedom and anti-semitism to the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research. Watch the speech:

 

Remarks to Congressional Medal of Honor Recipients

Harvard University
September 18, 2015

Thank you very much. I am humbled and honored by the invitation to address this gathering.

There is much talk about the word courage.  John F. Kennedy wrote a book, Profiles in Courage, about politicians who had the courage to take positions that put their re-election at risk. People in universities talk about scholars who are courageous because they take unpopular positions. The courage of those who speak truth to those in power, whether in companies or politics, is often admired.  I have been on occasion praised as courageous for challenging conventional wisdom. People are right to praise courage in all these forms.

Especially when I have been praised, it has seemed to me wrong and unfortunate that we use the same word courage to celebrate the valor of those who risk their careers, and to celebrate those – like many in this room – who put their lives on the line for comrades, conviction and country. That is courage of a different and more profound order, and it is courage that deserves, and only sometimes receives, an appropriate and far greater degree of celebration.

The term hero is used too promiscuously in today’s world to refer to anyone who has done a good and important job, or has led a team to victory in sport.  There are people in this room who are real heroes.  And looking out at the young people here, I suspect there are people who will be heroes in the future.

I am not someone who has served in the military.  And I am of a generation where most of my peers here at Harvard or when I was in Washington did not either.  So I cannot speak with knowledge and authenticity about military service, about combat or about physical courage. What I can say is that I – from my time as a citizen, from my time as Secretary of the Treasury and as Economic Adviser to the President, and from my time as President of this university – am very much aware that none of what we do would be possible without those who commit themselves to military service.

When I was President of the university, I attended each year the ROTC commissioning ceremony. I was proud to be the first Ivy League President in thirty years to do so. Each year, at that commissioning ceremony, I would say that the United States is strong because it is free, that our freedom and our traditions are central to our strength as a nation. But, I would also say that it is equally important to recognize that we are free because we are strong, and without a strong and second-to-none military, our freedom may not endure. The features of academic life that we take for granted, like the ability of any student or any professor to express any opinion, would not be part of our academic and our national tradition if we did not have people who were prepared to fight and give their lives for our freedom.

The observation that “we sleep soundly in our beds at night because rough men stand ready to visit violence on those who would do us harm” is often attributed to George Orwell.  Apparently no one has been able to find evidence that he wrote or said these words.  Little matter.  The sentiment is exactly right.  And it is one that we here in the university who sleep soundly and with serene confidence in our virtue need to always remember.

So my main message to you is a message of thanks.

But I want to use this moment also to reflect for a few minutes on the broader question of the relationship between the university and the military –or, between universities and the military, because almost all of what I am going to say, while it is rooted in my experience at Harvard, would be equally true at many other universities in our country. The good news is that there has been no moment in the last thirty-five years when the relationship between the university and the military has been as good and as strong as it is right now. No moment when members of the military have felt as welcomed and appreciated walking across the campus in their uniforms as they do today. No moment when the university administration has been as supportive of the military as it is today. That is a very good thing, and it is a thing that I believe is very important for the future of our country.

I think the question that remains is this: Is the university’s commitment to supporting those who serve in the military, and to supporting the military as an institution, a non-contingent commitment? Is it a commitment based on the reality that we could not be free without the military, and that we have an obligation as citizens to support the military, whether we agree or disagree with the decisions of our political leaders who exert civilian control over the military? Or, as I fear, is ours a contingent commitment to cooperate with and support the military when its approach, mission and strategy happen to coincide with our values?

I did not support the Don’t Ask Don’t Tell policy regarding gays in the military, and believe it should have been repealed long before it was. I believe the invasion of Iraq was a grave mistake and that the United States’ participation in Viet Nam was catastrophic. But none of those judgments led me, in any way, to back away from support for the military itself and for those who served in it. I do not believe that the support of this university, or any other university, for the military should be contingent on the political decisions of those who exert civilian control over it.

If we do not support the military, we put at risk the traditions of freedom upon which our country depends. So I am glad that we are in a current moment of rapport between the university and the military. But I have a continuing concern that that rapport is contingent and dependent on a current set of policy decisions of which members of this community approve. And I believe that that is fundamentally inconsistent with our obligations as an institutional citizen in a democracy.

I do not believe that it is for us to decide, as this university has in the recent past, that the military is not permitted to recruit on our campus. I do not believe that it is for us to decide, as this university has, that its resources cannot be extended on behalf of citizens who choose to participate in the military. I do not believe that it was moral or right, as was the case before I became president, that Harvard University students who participated in ROTC were precluded from listing their service in the college yearbook, because the college disapproved of the military’s policies as discriminatory.

What is the morality of our declining to fully support and cooperate with the national defense effort, that it enable us to sleep serene in our virtue at night while leaving others to defend us?  If we do not like the policies of our country we have plenty of ways of seeking redress.  Failing to honor and support those in our midst who are prepared to give their lives is a profound abdication of our obligation of citizenship.

I look forward to a day when the word “patriotism” will be heard more frequently on this campus. I look forward to a continuation of close and strong relations between this university and our national defense effort, including crucially this university and the military. I look forward to a day when that support is unconditional and not based on a judgment about the policies that are being currently pursued.

But let me finish where I started. It is an immense privilege for me to have the chance to be with you and to address you. From the bottom of my heart, on behalf of those who currently lead this university, on behalf of those who lead universities across the country, thank you for what you have done. Thank you, looking at the younger people in this room, for what you are going to do, to make our traditions of academic freedom long endure.

Thank you very much.

NOTE: This is an edited and slightly extended version of the remarks presented.

Comments from ECB Conference

I commend Mario Draghi and the ECB for their openness in hosting this conference and allowing the presentation of so many perspectives. In the spirit of that openness I shall offer some iconoclastic observations. Read more

Don’t bet against America.

At the SALT Conference in Las Vegas, NV on Friday, May 8, 2015, Summers told the audience,”This is not a society that is stuck. It is a society that is uniquely able to be resilient through a constant process of savage self-criticism.” Read more

Rethinking Secular Stagnation After Seventeen Months

IMF Rethinking Macro III Conference

I am glad to be here and I salute Olivier (Blanchard) and the IMF for so open a dialogue on so wide a range of macroeconomic hypotheses. What I want to do this morning is talk about three things: I want to tell you why I think that the risk of secular stagnation is an important problem throughout the developed world. I want to contrast the secular stagnation viewpoint with two views that I regard as heavily overlapping – the debt super‐cycle view that Ken Rogoff put forward and the savings glut view that Ben Bernanke has put forward – and explain why I think they’re very similar, but insofar as their nuances of difference, I prefer the secular stagnation view. And then I want to reflect on the policy implications of this general view of the global economy over the next decade. Read more

NEW LENDING FOR A NEW ECONOMY

by Lawrence H. Summers

Lend It Conference, New York City

April 15, 2015

As delivered

It is a great privilege to be here, and I have to say, the size of this crowd, the entrepreneurial energy in this room, the extent of the dialogues and the deals being cut in these corridors gives me hope for the future of the lending industry, gives me hope for the renewal of the American financial industry, and gives me hope for the future of our economy, and the global economy.  And that is even without mentioning, Peter, my gratitude for having been introduced without the usual economist joke.  It was not so long ago that I was introduced by the guy who said, Larry, do you know what it takes to succeed as an economist?  And I said, no.  And he said, an economist is someone who’s pretty good with figures, but does not quite have the personality to be an accountant.  That was in Moscow and no one got the joke.

Here’s what I’d like to do today:  I’d like to talk to you about why I think this is a challenging time for the American economy, talk to you about why I think the conventional financial sector has, in important respects, let all its main constituents down over the last generation, talk to you about how I believe technology-based businesses have the opportunity to transform finance over the next generation, and reflect with you on the principles that should guide public policy with respect to the sector going forward.

This is a challenging time for the economy:

The American economy, at one level, we can take great satisfaction.  I can tell you I was there, that if you looked at any important economic statistic between the Fall of 2008 and the Spring of 2009, GDP, industrial production, unemployment, anything, it was worse than it had been after the fall of 1929.  The trend was faster and further down than it had been after the fall of 1929.  Depression was a real possibility.  Thanks to a combination of the vitality of the American economy and the policies that were put in place, we have not seen anything like a depression.

On the other hand, on the other hand, one has to look with very considerable concern at what has happened to the economy.  Today, the GDP of the United States is about 10 percent, or $1.6 trillion less than people expected it to be in 2015, as of 2007.  That $1.6 trillion lost represents about $20,000 for the average family of four, and that loss is taking place each year, and that loss is taking place against a backdrop of a United States that is doing relatively well compared to the global economy and particularly to the economy of the rest of the industrialized world.

If you look at markets, something quite remarkable is the case.  In Europe, the 10-year interest rate in Germany is 18 basis points.  In Japan, it is comfortably below 50 basis points.  In the United States, it is below two percent, and if you look at real interest rates, that is, interest rates adjusted for inflation, they are negative in Europe and Japan and about 20 basis points in the United States for a 10-year period.

What does that tell us?  All of that sloshing, all of that money, sloshing into government bonds, to the point where their yield is negative, is telling us that, despite all the opportunities that exist in the modern world, markets are seeing some kind of chronic excess of saving that is not being effectively channeled into investment. That failure means less investment, which means less growth, and that lower growth, in turn, means more pessimistic expectations.

THE FINANCIAL SYSTEM IN A MODERN ECONOMY:

What is the function of the financial system in a modern economy?  The function of a financial system is to connect those who want to put off consumption, whether it is for a rainy day, to send a child to college, to accumulate wealth, to build a house, to prepare for retirement, or to look out for one’s children.  It is to take those who wish to defer consumption and save and, in order those, in order to put those resources to good use among the large number of people who should have good use for resources such as living in a house before they’ve accumulated the wealth equal to the value of the house, putting in place necessary public infrastructure, or doing productive investment that raises the productivity of large number of workers.

It is the task of the financial system to make that connection, and if what we see is that that connection is not being made – then we are seeing lower levels of investment, lower levels of interest rates – that has to raise a question as to how well the mainstream financial system is functioning.

But one can raise a question about how well the mainstream financial system is functioning in a more direct set of ways:  Is it meeting the needs of borrowers?

Well, small business lending is a much smaller fraction of total bank lending than it was 15 years ago, and small businesses, not just in the United States, but in most parts of the industrialized world, report themselves to still be experiencing a credit crunch.

Home ownership rates in the United States have fallen behind by a generation.  It is appropriate and right that credit is not nearly as available for mortgages as it was in 2005 or 2006 or 2004.  It might be appropriate and right that it’s not as available as it was in the early 2000s.  It is, surely, not appropriate that credit is not nearly as available for middle class potential homeowners, as it was in the late 1990s.  It is not appropriate that private equity firms are reaping huge profits by renting homes to homeowners who cannot get mortgage credit and charging them rent that equals eight or 10 percent of the value of those properties.  It could be that those people could be paying three, or four, or five percent of the value of those properties and enjoying the appreciation, as well, if our financial system was doing a better job of providing credit.

Credit is increasingly unavailable for those wishing to pursue higher education because of the great difficulties that the mainstream system has had in distinguishing better from worse risks.  Renaud Laplanche famously got the inspiration to start Lending Club by asking himself, why it was, in the modern technology age, that if he put money in the bank, he got two percent, and if he tried to take money, he tried to borrow money from the bank on his credit card, he paid 17 percent, and this was in the era of computers.   Since Renaud Laplanche had that insight, spreads, administers of costs in mainstream banks have risen not fallen.

So, the first disappointing aspect of the mainstream financial system is that it has not succeeded and is succeeding less well than it once did in its basic function of providing credit to people.

The second respect in which the mainstream financial system has let us down is that if you look over a long period of time, the returns earned by investors in large, mainstream financial institutions, have fallen way short of market returns.  For a number of investors, for those who invested 10 years ago or 20 years ago on a long-term buy-and-hold basis, in a number of institutions that we can all name, the return has been negative 100 percent because they lost all their money.  Those who invested in a number of other institutions that still function on a large scale today, have lost more than 80 percent of their money, given the losses and the dilution associated with the financial crisis.  On average, returns have fallen far, far short of the S&P 500.

So, the financial system hasn’t worked so well for the benefit of its customers.  Borrowing is hard.  It isn’t working so well for the benefit of its creditors.  You don’t earn any money anymore when you deposit money in a bank, and it hasn’t worked so well for the benefit of its, and it hasn’t, and it hasn’t worked so well for the benefit of its share owners, either.

It also hasn’t worked so well for the rest of us.  Think about the last long generation.  We saw the Latin American debt crisis that brought the major financial institutions to the brink.  We saw the 1987 stock market crash.  We saw the S&L debacle.  We saw the New York City real estate crash.  We saw the 1994-1995 Mexican financial collapse.  We saw the 1997 Asian financial crisis.  We saw the 1998 LTCM Russia episode.  We saw the 2000 Internet bubble.  We saw the 2001-2002 Enron long-term high yield bond debacle, and all of that was a prelude.

It is high time for reflection on the renewal of the financial system and the creation of a financial system that will work more viably for savers and borrowers, and will work more viably for the benefit of the economy.  Some substantial part of that effort involves public policy.  It involves government regulation.  It involves the kinds of issues that people dealt with in Dodd-Frank.  It involves thinking about too big to fail.  It involves capital requirements.  It involves thinking about resolution regimes, and the like.  That is not my topic today.

TECHNOLOGY-BASED BUSINESSES HAVE THE OPPORTUNITY TO TRANSFROM FINANCE:

Some other very substantial part of the solution to that problem, to the renewal of finance around benefiting people rather than benefiting money lies in technological innovation and its application.  Because if you think about it, finance is an information-intensive business.  It’s all about information, and we are living through an extraordinary period of information technology innovation.

My Smartphone right here – this device costs about $500.  It has more computing power than the Apollo project did that sent a man to the moon.   It has more accessibility of information. If you have this device, than you have access to all of the Harvard libraries.  I work at Harvard.  If you gave me my choice – no Smartphone and free access to the Harvard libraries 24 hours a day or full access to my Smartphone, but no longer any access to the Harvard libraries, that would not be a hard choice.

And if you think about the ability to be in touch and connect with people around the world, you would rather have this device than have the White House communication system as it stood when John F. Kennedy was President of the United States.

And here’s the remarkable thing:  there will be a date; it might be three years from now, it might be seven years from now, but it won’t be 10 years from now, when there will be more Smartphones on Earth than there are adults.  Now, admittedly, that’s, in part, because there’s going to be some people in Hong Kong who have four, but we are not far from the day when almost everyone on Earth will have a Smartphone.

That is a moment of extraordinary potential for information technology innovation.  We do not know and we cannot forecast all the forms that it will take.  There was a very good book, or at least at the time it was thought to be a very good book, that was written by a Harvard colleague of mine and a MIT professor, in 2004, and it was an attempt to look very carefully and very thoughtfully at what technology could do, but what would still be the domain of the human brain, and what it would be a long time before technology could replace, and they chose a canonical example of something that was easy for humans but hard for technology.  That canonical example was making a left turn in the face of oncoming traffic.  Google solved that problem within five years after those sentences were written.

We do not yet know all that technology will be able to do.  We do know this, and it’s a good law for thinking about the world, whether you’re thinking about the arrival of financial crises or you’re thinking about the dissemination of technologies, we know that things take longer to happen than you think they will and then they happen faster than you thought they could.  That’s the way it was with the housing bubble collapsing.  That’s the way it was with the pervasiveness of the personal computer.  That’s the way it was with the Internet becoming part of the fabric of all of our daily lives, and that will be the way it is with respect to the next set of innovations.

So, as a general proposition, I would suggest to you that technology has immense potential.  And I would suggest to you that it is an oddity, that until quite recently technology has not been disruptive of mainstream finance.  Yes, there have been huge amounts of financial innovation, derivatives, different kinds of derivatives, whatever, but they have been more for the benefit of money than they have been for the benefit of people.  Paul Volcker was not exaggerating very much, if he was exaggerating at all, when he said four or five years ago that there hasn’t been an important financial innovation since the ATM.

I joined the Lending Club board because I believe that the thrust and the strain that is represented by all of you in this room, the application of information technology, to take frictions out and make finance work better, and, in particular, though this is not the only sphere where this is important, to do so with respect to lending, I believe, has the potential to, over time, be transformative of the financial system and to address its infirmities that I described a few moments ago.

What were those infirmities?  Frictions that were too large, that represented too large a gap between what savers receive and what borrowers pay.  Banking without banks can take three percent, five percent, six percent out of the cost of intermediation. Taking the friction cost out is profoundly making finance better, but that is only one of the benefits.  A second benefit is that the systematic use of data on a large scale will permit better credit judgments, and that will permit the more accurate allocation of capital.  The more accurate allocation of capital means higher returns, which is good for the providers of capital.  It means that capital will be available to the previously unrecognized creditworthy.  It means that those who are creditworthy, but have not yet been able to prove themselves to be creditworthy, will now be given opportunities to prove themselves to be creditworthy and enter the mainstream and see their borrowing costs decline over time.  It means that capital will be allocated more wisely, which means that there will be more efficiency in its use, which, ultimately means more jobs and better products throughout the economy.

Some of that’s going to come from better use of existing data.  Some of that will come from harnessing data streams that were previously available.  I’m privileged to serve also on the board of Square.  Square has an important new product, Square Capital, that lends to small business but with the informational and enforcement advantages that come from handling all of their credit card processing, which permits them to make much lower cost loans available, and to make decisions more rapidly.

The use of technology has a third major benefit.  It provides a much more satisfactory kind of consumer experience.  We live in a society because of all the ways in which we are conditioned, when all of us are less patient than we would have been a generation ago.  One manifestation of that is that if you watch the evening news, the average film clip of somebody being interviewed is now eight seconds.  In 1968, it was a minute and eight seconds.  Well, that growing impatience means that if we apply for a loan, we want to know the answer, yes or no, now, not yes or no in the mail three weeks from now.  We want to interact with institutions who don’t ask for our trust, but earn our trust through the efficiency with which they deal with us.  And if you look at the performance scores of firms like Lending Club, in contrast to the favorability ratings from consumers of large banks, it is an ocean of difference.

And so these models offer a better consumer experience, more informed allocation of credit, substantially reduced frictions, and I believe they have the opportunity also to contribute to greater financial stability in our economy.  They have the ability to contribute to greater financial stability in several ways.

First, the basic lesson of this field of ecology; a lot of things you learn in the field of ecology, but if there’s one take-home less from ecology it is this:  Diverse ecosystems are much more resilient than beautiful ecosystems.  A financial system in which credit is provided by banks, credit is provided through traditional capital markets, credit is provided through platform lenders, and credit is provided through specialty finance vehicles supported by information technology – a financial system that is more diverse – will be a financial system that is more stable.  It is a financial system that will be more free of the positive feedback loops that happen when credit contracts and, therefore, asset values decline, and, therefore, credit contracts, and, therefore, asset values decline, and it happens again and again.

If we can have more resilience in the basic provision of credit through more diversity, we can have a more stable financial system.  Platform lending doesn’t have the central connection to leverage that traditional banking does.  There is no entity that carries a balance sheet with leverage.  There’s nothing there that is too big to fail.  There is nothing there that requires deposit insurance.  There is nothing there that is implicitly subsidized, and there is, therefore, a greater contribution to stability, to the kind of stability that we seek to achieve.  And better information technology and better credit decisions mean less risk of failure and that, too, is a contributor to stability.

So, I believe that the financial system, traditional financial system, given its performance, is ripe for disruption.  I believe that it is more than most sectors the moment for disruption, given success and informational technology, and I believe that the nature of the incipient disruption, the use of information technology to lend in new ways, is directly responsive to the problems that have caused such dissatisfaction with the financial system over the last generation, and that have contributed to our economic problems, and those slow growth forecasts, and those remarkably low interest rates.

FIRST PRINCIPLES THAT CAN GUIDE PUBLIC POLICY FOR NEW LENDING:

How should public policy view all of this? I would suggest four precepts.  It will not resolve every specific regulatory question, but I think if we are able to follow these four precepts, the future can be very bright, both for entrepreneurs and for almost everybody because almost everybody is a stakeholder, one way or another, in the success of our financial system.

What are those precepts?

First, permission not prohibition.  Let new business models emerge.  Regulators should allow new firms to operate, generate data on the outcomes created by novel business models before writing new rules.  Yes, regulation is necessary, but only when it is necessary.

I was privileged to serve as Secretary of the Treasury, and in the Treasury Department, under President Bill Clinton.  One of the much less remarked, but I think more important, developments during his Administration was the decision in the mid-1990s to establish a presumption of permission with respect to the Internet.  It was not, at that moment, entirely obvious what the right approach was to this new technology, and the decision that President Clinton made, advised, ironically, by Ira Magaziner, who had earlier been an advocate of a very substantially regulated healthcare system.  The decision was, yes, we will be vigilant with respect to privacy.  Yes, we will be vigilant with respect to monopoly.  Yes, we will be vigilant with respect to national security, but that the presumption would be of permission, rather than a presumption of prohibition, and I believe that is hugely important with respect to new information technology, businesses generally, and it is important, in particular, with respect to lending business.

Second principle:  Insist on transparency and disclosure, then let consumers decide.  As new lenders serve parts of the market that have historically not had access to credit, high rates may draw regulatory scrutiny.  Regulators should require full transparency and disclosure, and see how consumers react to new products and prices before writing rules.  Make no mistake, I am not arguing for laissez-faire.  Make no mistake, there have been multiple instances in the past of financial innovation, in which consumers were substantially exploited.  We saw that with respect to a number of the innovations in mortgage finance just a dozen years ago, but, but we need, also, to recognize that people are not going to improve their credit without getting credit.  That when they get credit, they have the opportunity to improve their credit, and we need to allow those with new business models, seeking to reach new populations, an opportunity to show what they can do, as long as they do it with full transparency and full honesty.

Third principle:  Maintain a level playing field.  Don’t give incumbents an unfair advantage, but discourage business models based on unfair regulatory arbitrage.  Regulators should strive to put entrants on equal footing with incumbents, but to do so without sacrificing consumer protection.  No lending business, on-line or off-line, should get a pass on usury laws, on fair lending requirements, on disclosure, or on other critical safeguards.  At the same time, the choice to operate in non-traditional form should not mean an exemption from principles that have been regarded as appropriate to apply to all lending.

It is essential that requirements that are not longer appropriate, like the requirements for the monitoring of the balance sheet of banks, are not enforced on institutions that do not have balance sheets, but serve only as platforms.

Fourth principle:  provide workable regulatory frameworks.  To date, regulatory authorities have generally maintained appropriate attitudes towards innovative lenders.  It will be important as the industry evolves and grows that regulators not create overhangs of uncertainty or burden excessively those attempting to innovate.

If we can adopt these precepts and other related precepts, I believe that the next decade can be a period of unprecedented financial innovation in lending businesses.  That innovation can be a source of entrepreneurial innovation for those in this room and many, many beyond.  That, more importantly, it can mean that the basic function of a financial system to provide higher returns to savers, lower costs to borrowers, while permitting investments that drive the economy forward can be performed better in the future than it has been in the past.

Innovation in lending, payments, funding, and allocation of risk, I believe, offers tremendous potential for making the American economy and the global economy not just more efficient, but more secure and more stable. And when I think about the magnitude of the problems, and they are many, and I think about what I had a chance to see somewhat closely – the tendency towards dysfunction, the occasional ossification of tradition in Washington – I know that while the right public policies are hugely important, that the task of renewal of our financial system is not primarily one for public policy.  It is primarily one for entrepreneurial innovation, and that is why the size and growth of the LendIt conference seems, to me, to be so positive a sign for our future, and I am so very glad to have had the opportunity to address you.

Thank you very much.

New Lending For A New Economy

On April 15, 2015 at the LendIt Conference in NYC, Summers explained how new lending models can play a critical role in growing the economy and detailed his views on how regulators should approach the new sector. Summers made the case for how financial innovation in lending is serving broad social objectives and laid out first principles for how policymakers should view marketplace lending. Read more

Reflections on Secular Stagnation

Summers gave the keynote address at Princeton University’s Julius-Rabinowitz Center for Public Policy & Finance on February 19, 2015. In his remarks, Summers gave his perspective on the “profound macroeconomic challenge of the next 20 years in the industrial world: secular stagnation.” Read more

Academic Freedom and Anti-Semitism

Summers gave a speech to inaugurate the forum on academic freedom at Columbia Center for Law and Liberty on January 29, 2015.  In his speech, he said, “Academic freedom is essential if universities are to succeed in their missions of creating and disseminating knowledge.”   Read more